What Is The Purpose Of Bail? It Depends On Who You Talk To

While discussing the California bail system, a Santa Clara County district attorney said, “It’s just so difficult to get guilty pleas from defendants who are NOT in custody.” (Emphasis added) These statements, along with many others I’ve heard over the course of my research, serve to reinforce common misunderstandings about the bail system. These misunderstandings, in turn, have misdirected conversations about what the U.S. bail system is intended to accomplish.

Immediately after hearing the district attorney make this statement, I thought to myself, “if a defendant is truly guilty, a fast and easy guilty plea would certainly save the county a lot of resources and it would be in the best interest of the community because it would ensure speedy justice for the victim.” However, a fast and easy plea deal is not beneficial to everyone when we consider the effects of detaining individuals prior to trial.

Over 62% of county jail inmates are NON-CONVICTED individuals. This means that over half of the jail population is made up of people who have not yet been found guilty beyond a reasonable doubt. Individuals accused of a misdemeanor spend more than 30 days in jail before they are tried and either found not guilty or convicted. When we consider all of this, it’s reasonable to assume that many individuals who are wrongfully accused may be coerced into a guilty plea simply because they are desperate to get out of jail.

District attorneys are charged with proving an accused individual’s guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. Negotiating plea deals is also an important and necessary part of their job. Therefore, keeping defendants in custody is beneficial to this part of their work because it provides an incentive for the accused to agree. This however, has absolutely nothing to do with the purposes of the U.S. bail system. Stated another way, the U.S. bail system is not in place to keep a defendant in custody for the sake of helping district attorneys do their jobs. In this post, I will provide commentary on other misconceptions I’ve found during my research.

To date, I have uncovered and corrected some of the misleading information available to the public about the U.S. bail system in an attempt to foster public discourse in a meaningful way. In a previous post, I took it upon myself to provide readers with a thorough understanding of the term “bail.” Unsurprisingly, when I read a publication that uses misleading information to further spread the belief that bail must always involve money, or that it should accomplish anything other than what its meant to accomplish, I am quick to respond with complete and accurate information.

On November 1, 2012, the Golden State Bail Agents Association published a testimonial written by one of their attorneys, Mr. Albert W. Ramirez. Mr. Ramirez’s testimony, while not technically wrong, is misleading and demands some elaboration. This testimony was made before the California General Assembly. In this post, I don’t intend to disprove Mr. Ramirez and I don’t intend for this post to serve as a response to his statements. I only cite to his testimony because it provides an illustration of the common misconceptions I’ve found during my research.

In this post, I will supply that elaboration by offering an accurate statement of the issue at hand and then following with an explanation of how the statements made by Mr. Ramirez are misleading. I don’t urge readers to read or accept Mr. Ramirez’s testimony because I have taken issue with the way in which it misleads readers. Further, it is not necessary to read the testimony as I’ve included the relevant statements for my commentary.

Myth: Money bail opponents think bail is too expensive.

Truth: Advocates for bail system reform seek to reduce the number of detained pretrial defendants in order to achieve a fair and effective system.

Mr. Ramirez maintains that, “California’s commercial bail system has been under attack by the ACLU” and that the “ACLU’s primary criticism of commercial bail is that it’s too expensive.” (Page 1) First and foremost, “the attack” as he calls it is not necessarily on the commercial bail system, as the ACLU and other groups have clearly indicated that their concerns are directly associated with the entire bail system as a whole. On numerous occasions, the ACLU has specifically been critical of the money bail system for the detrimental effects it has on the poor. For example, a dangerous but wealthy individual may be released from custody by paying money bail while a person who does not pose a danger to society may be held simply because they cannot afford to do the same. Both of these scenarios are bad for obvious reasons and have absolutely nothing to do with the commercial bail system.

Further, concerns over the U.S. bail system stem from the large numbers of individuals currently incarcerated. While the ACLU has indeed urged states to pass more stringent regulations for regulating commercial bail, it’s important for readers to be aware that stringent regulation is not an attack on the commercial bail industry, but rather a means for protecting the rights of the indigent, who happen to be the clients of private commercial bail companies. Some states such as New Jersey have already taken steps towards this.

Myth: The effectiveness of any bail system is best measured by failure to appear rates.

Truth: The bail system is in place to both ensure a defendant’s appearance at court and ensure public safety.

Many commercial bail supporters (including Mr. Ramirez) misguidedly rely on the failure to appear (FTA) rates to argue that commercial bail is much more effective than other forms of release such as Own Recognizance release (OR). David Ball at the Santa Clara University School of Law illustrates why FTA is not a great measure of effectiveness. For the purposes of this post, the key takeaway from Professor Ball’s article is the fact that while the bail system is in place to ensure a defendant’s appearance in court, that’s not all it’s meant to accomplish and ensure.

Mr. Ramirez correctly states, “Our criminal justice system cannot function if defendants fail to appear for their court proceedings,” but he completely disregards the fact that these failure to appear rates do not capture the whole picture. (Page 1) For one thing, a defendant may be returned to custody due to being rearrested (possibly on different charges). When that occurs, there is virtually no chance that he will miss any court dates as he is in custody and the jail officials will simply surrender him to the court on his given court date. Mr. Ramirez, like many other commercial bail proponents, completely ignores the fact that the justice system is also meant to guarantee a defendant’s release under the least restrictive conditions and ensure public safety.

Myth: Commercial bail is a necessary component of the criminal justice system.

Truth: There are many alternatives to commercial bail such as releasing people on “bail” without the need for bail bonds.

The effectiveness of a pretrial release method must include considerations of both the defendant’s likelihood to appear for their scheduled court date and their threat to public safety. As already mentioned, bail is meant to ensure that a defendant appears at his court date. This requires the court to impose certain conditions upon a defendant’s release in order to ensure that he shows up to his court date. When determining bail terms and conditions, a judge is required to consider whether the defendants pose a risk to public safety.

Mr. Ramirez cites to “The most comprehensive study ever done on bail” in an attempt to undercut the entire purpose of bail by simply focusing on failure to appear. (Page 3) The testimony ignores the fact that pretrial release determinations vary from state to state with regards to criteria used and the specific conditions of release. In some states, defendants are much more likely to be released with little to no consideration of their threat to public safety or their likelihood to appear in court. This is important because a pretrial system that considers the threat to public safety in their determination for release will likely provide a much more thorough interview and as such likely to release fewer defendants.

Mr. Ramirez states that “A risk assessment tool is merely a questionnaire consisting of a list of factors that have been shown to correlate one way or another with criminality or flight risk.” and then proceeds to question the validity of such findings. (Page 6) Specifically noteworthy is the fact that Mr. Ramirez’s fails to acknowledge that some jurisdiction, such as Santa Clara, have a comprehensive system in which defendants are thoroughly interviewed and the determination about their release is made after a long process.

In Santa Clara County, federal and state constitutional protections from excessive bail are often successfully implemented through pretrial release programs.

One key issue in Mr. Ramirez’s testimony is the fact that many of his statements rely on the idea or assumption that people have “the right to bail.” As previously stated, “bail” refers to all types of pretrial release, not just those made in exchange for money. (Page 3) The protections and rights prescribed by the federal and California constitutions do not guarantee that an individual is entitled to any specific type of release from custody. In fact, some defendants are not entitled to any kind of release at all.

It is certainly true that many California residents, along with many other U.S. residents, have money bail set, and that they often use commercial bail companies when they cannot afford to pay the full amount of money required by the court. Thus, while many residents use commercial bail companies to secure their release from custody, it is not true that “bail” is usually implemented through commercial bail companies. Courts not only release defendants by setting an amount of money that must be paid by the defendant to the court—they also release defendants on certain conditions, or simply cite and release the individual with a promise to return to court.

More importantly, protections from excessive bail are embedded in the Constitution of the United States as well as in many state constitutions. Unlike the misguided statement I quoted at the beginning of this post, these protections are specifically designed to protect defendants from entering into coerced or false guilty pleas. Also, contrary to popular belief, this protection does not grant an individual the right to pay a bail agent a large sum of money in exchange for his freedom.

This protection simply grants an individual the right to be released from custody, while he awaits his trial, under the least restrictive conditions. I mention the term “popular belief” because this is yet another misguided assumption that a lot of Americans (myself included) have been led to believe by statements from officials in high positions (like the district attorney), news coverage, and other popular media.

Why does this all matter? Misunderstandings about the U.S. bail system and the protections afforded by the Eighth Amendment have limited conversations about how this system can be improved both to ensure community safety and a defendants appearance in court. Money bail has become the norm and many have accepted it as the only system simply because it’s all we have known. These limitations have blinded most people from truly appreciating the fact that money bail does not accomplish any of its goals. These limitations have also allowed many to ignore the fact that there are alternatives to bail. A meaningful conversation about bail reform is long overdue and it must begin with accurate information.

 

 

 

Why accepting credit cards for bail won’t help poor individuals secure pre-trial release.

One of the recommendations made by the Santa Clara County Bail Working Group is to accept credit cards or debit cards at county jail facilities. [Revised Bail and Release Report, Page 10].  Defendants with access to a credit card will be able to avoid using commercial bail bond agencies altogether. This would allow individuals who are arrested on non-felony charges to post their bail using their own funds with more ease.[1]  While this provides an alternative to commercial bail bond companies, it may not be what is best for every defendant.

Before moving forward, I would like to point out that, under the proposal from the Bail Working Group, this form of payment would only be available to individuals arrested for misdemeanor conduct who are entitled to own recognizance release.  This means they should not have to pay anything unless the court makes a finding on the record that money bail should be imposed for public safety reasons or to ensure his or her appearance in court.  This post will address what an individual should consider before using a credit card, assuming that they are not eligible for own recognizance release.  If an individual does not have the access to the funds in their account and has a credit card, they would have the choice of using that credit card to pay the entire amount or using the services of a commercial bail bond company.

Some of the considerations a defendant should make before using a credit card to pay their bail are:  the interest rate of their credit card; the amount of time before they get that money back; and the fact that they may not receive the entire amount paid at the conclusion of their case.

While using a credit card may be the better option in some cases, paying 10% to a bail bondsman may be the better option for others.  After weighing these considerations, a defendant may find that using a commercial bail bond company to secure release prior to trial is a better option in some instances.  I do not address bail forfeiture (i.e. the process of losing your bail deposit when a person fails to appear in court).  I will be addressing the above-mentioned issues based on the assumption that the individual makes all of their court appearances. Continue reading “Why accepting credit cards for bail won’t help poor individuals secure pre-trial release.”

The Price of Avoiding Incarceration

In my previous posts, I have discussed the general stages of the justice system, the fines and fees associated with the pretrial stage as well as the fines and fees associated with being in custody. To complete the discussion regarding the fines and fees associated with the life cycle of a criminal defendant’s journey through the justice system, I will be focusing on how money affects a person once they have been sentenced and are eligible for diversion programs. This post will illustrate how money is typically a factor in determining whether a person serves their punishment in out-of-custody diversion programs and the ramifications that this practice has.

Alternative sentencing is the general umbrella term that is used for different avenues of punishment rather than incarceration. The goal of alternative sentencing is to identify and use effective sanctions that address an offender’s underlying problem in efforts to advance public safety and the chances of reoffending. Alternative sentencing is similar to deferred entry of judgment pursuant to California Penal Code sections 1000.-1000.6. Deferred entry of judgment for adults is a special drug and alcohol education program that; offenders who commit certain drug crimes can have their charges dismissed upon completion of the program.

Santa Clara County frequently utilizes both the Sentencing Alternative Program, Inc. and the Sheriff Weekend Work Program when allowing individuals to serve alternative sentences in lieu of jail time. Both programs highlight that the programs benefit the community, the offender, and the state since the offenders pay to participate. Programs like these can be incredibly beneficial for an offender since they allow time to be served on the weekends or nights, allowing the participants the ability to keep their jobs, homes, and maintain family ties. However, these benefits come at cost. For example, the Sentencing Alternative Program charges, along with various miscellaneous fees, a sliding fee ranging from $35-$250 based on the number of hours an offender is assigned to complete. The cost to participate in the Sherriff’s Work Program is not publically available, however, their site does relay that the program incurs no cost to Santa Clara Citizens or the Department of Corrections as participants pay a fee.

The imposition of these fees puts indigent and poor defendants at a disadvantage: even if they are eligible for the program on the basis of their sentences, they will not be able to participate because of inability to pay. This disadvantage does not fall solely on those who have no money, but also those who are struggling to feed, clothe, and house themselves (and their families) while working multiple jobs. The inability to serve alternate sentences can have detrimental effects on these populations as jail time would likely cause them to lose their jobs and create difficulty securing employment upon release.

These alternate sentencing programs help offenders avoid jail and prison time, allowing them to escape the very system that some argue creates more crime. They can also be beneficial for the community, public safety, reducing recidivism and even the fiscal budget. However, these benefits should be tangible for all those eligible, regardless of a person’s ability to pay. Otherwise, our system is effectively handing out harsher punishments for those who are poor.

Policy

The nation’s current criminal justice system is punishing poor and low-income individuals at a disproportionate rate. Not only are people being thrown into jails and prisons because they cannot afford to pay various fines and fees, but these same people are facing a much harsher time in custody than their affluent counterparts.

There have been numerous studies to show that there is a correlation between the time an individual spends in custody and the likelihood that he will commit another crime. Imprisoning people based on a failure to pay and racking up fines and fees against them while they are in custody is not benefiting society in any way: incarceration is costly and the tremendous debt that people are incurring is almost never repaid. Moving to an individualized punishment system similar to Finland, where fines and fees are assessed based on ability to pay and income, would not only help save taxpayers’ money, but it would be a system that actually treats individuals fairly.

 

Excessive Bail, Equal Protection, and the Plight of the Homeless

The hardships imposed by the cash bail system fall most heavily on the poor. It is difficult for poor people to pay bail or even raise the 10% that is a standard deposit for bail bond companies. This can result in an individual remaining in jail until their court date, or even until their case is resolved or goes to trial. Depending on the severity of the charges, this can take months or even a year or more. Time spent in custody can cause these people to miss work and possibly lose their job. They can potentially lose more than that. The cost of living is high in Santa Clara County and many people are only a paycheck or two away from losing their homes.

For those who are homeless, additional layers of difficulty arise. In my research for this blog post, I was unable to find statistics concerning the arrest and incarceration of homeless individuals specifically but I was able to gain insight about the unique challenges they face from legal professionals, case law, and homeless individuals themselves.

First, it is helpful to define what we mean by “homeless.” The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) requires all communities that receive federal funds for issues relating to homelessness to compile biennial reports, which are then integrated into a summary report produced by HUD. All these reports use the federal definition of homelessness (PDF, page 14). This definition includes those people living in transitional housing or shelters, or those whose primary nighttime residence is a public or private place not ordinarily used as such.

According to the 2015 HUD report, San Jose had the ninth-highest population of homeless of all reporting cities in the nation (PDF, page 15). The city had the highest percentage of unsheltered homeless at 70.6% (PDF, page 16). This is a substantial population and because of the way homeless individuals are marginalized in our society, they frequently run afoul of the justice system. For instance, the homeless are often arrested or cited for so-called “quality of life” crimes. These include crimes such as vagrancy, littering and public urination to name only a few. They are the types of crimes that the homeless may commit just by existing.

Continue reading “Excessive Bail, Equal Protection, and the Plight of the Homeless”

Money Can buy you Happiness in Jail

As I have previously discussed, the criminal justice system has become an avenue for the government to make money. We are seeing an influx of cities, counties, and states using criminal charges as a basis for monetary charges assed in exchange for someone’s physical freedom during pretrial, to charge for basic needs while in custody, and to charge for post-sentencing court-imposed requirements. My previous post focused on pretrial release fines and fees and my next post will hone in on the fines and fees related to diversion programs and post-sentencing release, which means this post will illustrate fines and fees imposed while in custody.

A defendant may be in custody at any time once she is arrested for a crime. She may be in custody both pending and during trial because she was ineligible for release (either by statute, a judge’s discretion, or because she did not have the means to pay for her release), or she may be in custody as part of her sentencing. Typically, a person in jail, opposed to prison, is there either pretrial or during trial but pre-conviction; awaiting sentencing and/or transfer to another facility; or serving a relatively short sentence, usually a term less than one year. Prisons are long-term holding facilities that typically house individuals who were convicted of a felony and sentenced to serve more than one year. This post will include fines and fees imposed and collected in both jails and prisons. 

Pay to Stay

The in-custody fee that tends to have the most visceral reaction is the practice of ‘paying to stay’ or charging a ‘per diem’ fee. These fees, typically utilized by county jails, but also in place in prisons, actually charge inmates a daily ‘room and board’ fee for being incarcerated, as if the person 804af573e62f82bd5a90a97b187e0671checked into a hotel. Nationwide, it is unclear whether or not these fees begin accruing while a person is in custody prior to sentencing, if the per diems are only imposed once sentencing has taken place, or if, like in California, the fees can be charged retroactively for pre-sentencing custodial time after a person has been sentenced. Continue reading “Money Can buy you Happiness in Jail”

A Monopoly On Information: How Advertising In Jails Is Problematic For Defendants

Imagine being arrested and finding yourself in a jail cell. You have no access to a phone or the outside world. You know you have to show up for work the next morning but you have no idea what’s about to happen to you. You’re confused, afraid, and you would do anything to get out.

A few hours later you’re placed into “the tank” where an officer begins to ask you question. The tank is a holding cell filled with other recent arrestees all awaiting their fate. There’s not much to look at in “the tank” but you do notice a poster on the wall. The poster gives the names and numbers of many different bail bond agencies. You have no idea what a bail bond is and you’re still confused about what’s about to happen to you, but the advertisement tells you these agencies can help you get out.

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The questioning stops and you ask if you can call one of the agencies. The officer allows this phone call without hesitation. Your call goes right through at no cost to you (not yet, anyway). This is because bail bond agencies generally contract with the jail phone service providers to ensure that defendants inside the jail have immediate access to them.

 

You speak to an agent named Bad Boy who promises he can bail you out in forty-five minutes. Unlike the officers and other law enforcement personnel you’ve come in contract with since your arrest, Bad Boy treats you like you’re human. At this point, you agree to pay him $5,000.00, 10% of the total cost of bail, to come bail you out. He tells you he can contact your wife for you and let her know you’re coming home. But most importantly, he tells you “everything is going to be okay” now that you’ve contacted him.

A few hours after you hang up the phone, Bad Boy comes and picks you up from jail. However, instead of taking you home, he takes you into his office to sign a lengthy contract that you don’t understand. At this point, you’re so exhausted that you sign without reading it (and because Bad Boy was so nice and polite). You are now facing a multitude of inconveniences: criminal charges from your arrest, expensive court fines, missed work, and now a contract with a bail bond agency where you have agreed to pay thousands of dollars.

This scene is all too familiar for those who have spent enough time researching the bail system in the United States. Many issues arise out of this particular scenario. First, some defendants can be released on their own recognizance (OR) at no cost and may benefit from waiting to obtain a pretrial services assessment. Second, these types of contracts place defendants and their families in a very vulnerable position.

In this post, I will discuss advertising in Santa Clara County Main Jail. Specifically, I will look at the way in which bail bond agencies have been given a monopoly on the information available to the accused. A monopoly is complete control of the entire supply of a service in a certain area or market. For the purposes of this discussion the service provided is information about release available to the accused and the area or market is the jail. Those in control are the bail bond agencies. Readers must note that private defense attorneys are also allowed to advertise in county jails. While this also raises several concerns, I only discuss bail bond agency advertising because of the specific impacts associated with that advertising: how these agencies control the information available to a defendant and in some instances are a defendant’s only method of contact with the outside world.

I use the term defendant and accused interchangeably because it is often the case that someone may be arrested and never actually charged with a crime. My post begins by discussing how advertising has made its way into the county jails. I will then proceed to identify the steps involved in determining the ins and outs of this advertising. I will conclude by posing many unanswered questions pertaining to the negative effects of this form of advertising.

The Unexamined Consequences of Allowing Advertisements in County Jails:

In a letter dated March 1, 2016, John Hirokawa, the Santa Clara County Chief of Correction, recommended that the Board of Supervisors of the County of Santa Clara (the County) approve an agreement with the Jail Advertising Network (formerly known as Partners for a Safer America.) I will proceed in this post by referring to the Jail Advertising Network as Partners for a Safer America (PSA) because that is the name used in many of the Santa Clara County records. The agreement was approved. It allows PSA to sell advertising space in the Santa Clara County jails, bringing in over a hundred thousand dollars in revenue for the department of corrections(DOC). The only people/entities eligible to purchase advertising space are bail bond agencies and private defense attorneys.

In his recommendation, Hirokawa discusses the history of similar agreements made by the County and provides minimal information on the potential impacts of approving the agreement. Hirokawa writes, “the recommended action will have no/neutral” impacts on children, seniors, and sustainability. In one of his concluding statements, he indicates that the “DOC … would lose over 100K in revenues” if this agreement is not approved. Hirokawa’s letter fails to so much as even mention some of the potential negative consequences of this approval. For example, allowing for such advertisements without informing defendants of the potential for OR release may result in a defendant unnecessarily paying thousands of dollars to a bail agent. This lack of awareness or willful blindness on the part of the County is troubling primarily because it shows a complete disregard for the financial welfare of the accused, many of whom are their constituents.

Partners for a Safer America (Jail Advertising Network)

Let me digress for a moment to provide some background information on PSA and what it is they actually do. Simply stated, they are a company that contracts with counties all over California to sell advertisement to bail bond agencies. They keep anywhere from 20-30% of the profits and the County gets the rest (usually 70%-80%). The advertisement or product they produce is a poster board (as shown above). While this may sound simple, their home page provides a much more expansive interpretation of their work. The home page begins by describing the financial troubles faced by law enforcement agencies all over the United States. Their sales pitch concludes with a thought-provoking sentence, “As we grow in the number of institutions we support, we hope to realize the vision of safer, more secure communities from coast to coast.”

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At a first glance, it appears as though PSA is an agent of the counties they “support.” PSA’s website further encourages this mistaken belief by declaring their purpose is to provide “financial support and resources to those who keep our communities safe” and by using photos like the one above. To a naive outsider, it appears as though the PSA mission is much broader than simply providing advertising for bail bond agencies and private defense attorneys. 

 

Continue reading “A Monopoly On Information: How Advertising In Jails Is Problematic For Defendants”

Don’t Forget to Tip the Court

A criminal defendant goes through the justice system in stages, starting with the pretrial stage. This stage encompasses the moment a person has had a brush with the law, either through a citation or by being arrested, and extends to the point when a trial has begun. There are numerous opportunities during pretrial that a defendant can take advantage to be released from custody if she has the monetary means to do so. The most obvious is money bail, which has been criticized as a broken system due to many factors, including the large sum of money that the bail industry reportedly owes the state of California. However, my discussion will focus on other avenues of pretrial release and how money and wealth are still intertwined in those alternatives, starting with cite and release practices.

Under the California Penal Code section 853.6 police are required to grant pretrial release of persons arrested for misdemeanor crimes and, issue a citation, absent certain conditions (sections 1 and 2). The rationale behind this sort of release is twofold. First, misdemeanor arrestees pose a minimal threat to public safety, which is the most commonly articulated reason for detaining a person pretrial. Second, issuing a citation in misdemeanor cases is sufficient to ensure that the person will be present for future court proceedings. Further, pretrial incarceration has posed serious questions surrounding deprivation of due process, since some studies (pdf. page 62) have shown that defendants who are kept in custody during pretrial tend to have far worse outcomes than their free counterparts. So, if you are lucky enough to be cited and released, how does the size of your bank account affect the next phase of the pretrial stage? Continue reading “Don’t Forget to Tip the Court”

Privatization of Money Bail

What I hear about bail agents (often called bail bondsmen) is that they provide a valuable service and keep our communities safe at no cost to the taxpayer. According to the bail bond industry, they are dedicated to developing best practices that should lead to: maximizing the pretrial release of criminal defendants; minimizing days between arrest and pretrial release of criminal defendants; and protecting public safety. Facially, it seems to make sense – aren’t those goals precisely in line with the service provided? Confusingly, both commercial bail industry insiders and those in opposition to money bail (see page 29) point to the same data sources to support their competing (or opposing) arguments. In this post I outline the economic reasoning behind money bail and the role of a commercial bail agent in pretrial release. While proponents of the privatization of money bail suggest that there are gains to efficiency and service, a closer look reveals that legal constraints, profit motives, and shifting responsibility of financial risk away from defendants may actually detract from the goals of money bail as well as the purported goals of the commercial bail industry. This discussion does not address public policy or whether a privatized system for money bail is just. Instead, the focus is on economic arguments that support and detract from the proposition that a for-profit bail system makes fiscal sense.

Because private industry emphasizes efficiency and customer satisfaction in order to improve its bottom line, some public needs such as public transit and communications infrastructure may benefit from privatization. The introduction of competition provides incentives for private businesses to provide better goods, better services, and lower prices. Adam Smith described this effect as an “invisible hand” that guides economic actors to, “without intending it, without knowing it, advance the interest of the society. . . .”

But while most people agree that some industries are well served by privatization, certain other sectors of the economy should not be left to private interests. This is because some public goods, such as the military, are potentially dangerous if left to private actors and other public needs may present a conflict of interest if a profit motive is introduced. Imagine if the fire department had to give priority to profit over saving lives and property. Or imagine that we were concerned only with efficiency and not equity—that would mean that mailing a letter to a rural area would be more expensive than mailing the same letter to an urban one.

Courts rely more and more on financial bail terms; 61% of pretrial releases in 2009 included money bail, up from 37% in 1990. Given this increase, it becomes more and more important to analyze whether privatization of money bail serves the goals of money bail to begin with or if this is one of those areas that should not be exposed to the potential inequities or perverse incentives of a profit driven industry.

To begin with, money bail, in general, is not always an option. Some defendants are deemed too great a flight risk due to the magnitude of the potential sentence, or too great a danger either because of the nature of the alleged crime(s) (e.g., article 1 section 12 of California’s Constitution) or simply because of the type of offense (see Cal. Pen. Code 853.6(a)(2)-(3)). If money bail is set, it is constitutionally protected from being “excessive,” which the United States Supreme Court has interpreted as any amount “higher than an amount reasonably calculated to fulfill the purpose of assuring the presence of the defendant [at trial].”

In the federal system, since the Bail Reform Act of 1984, the safety of individuals and the community are factors in determining bail eligibility (denying bail as “preventive detention”), but the money bail amount is addressed separately. In fact, the Bail Reform Act clarifies in section 3148(c)(2) that “[a] judicial officer may not impose a financial condition that results in the pretrial detention of the person.” (emphasis added). The General Accounting Office found that the introduction of preventive detention resulted in 49% of defendants remained in federal pretrial detention as ineligable for money bail (which leaves 51% detained because they “failed to pay the bail set by the court”).

In California, the magistrate setting money bail amounts must take into account public safety. This is probably because, unlike the federal system described above, California law does not allow preventive detention for public safety reasons. Some people have questioned the validity of the idea that money bail can or does promote public safety. Judge Curtis Karnow writes that “there is no relationship between the dollar amount of bail and any in terrorem inhibiting effect that would deter future criminal conduct by the defendant.” Rather, other bail conditions can address public safety, such as supervision, GPS monitoring, mandatory drug tests, enrollment in a rehabilitation program, and the like. For this, and future, posts I agree with Judge Karnow’s analysis and address the economics of money bail by assuming that the purpose of money bail is purely to address the potential failure to appear of a defendant.

Because public safety is not a factor in money bail (at least in the federal system, and in general by the assumption above), commercial bail agents have at most a very limited role to play in public safety.   The service provided by the bail industry is a safeguard against failure to appear, the very thing that money bail is supposed to provide without a private industry. This is because there are different ways in which money bail can be arranged. For example, collateral, usually in the form of cash, can be given to the court and returned when the defendant appears at all court dates. More commonly, a private bail agent will put up a promissory note to the court in exchange for a 10% fee from the defendant and, in theory, if the defendant fails to appear the agent is responsible for the money bail amount. I will focus on this second form of money bail, called commercial surety bail.

Looking at the function of bail, it is clear that the bail industry does not have much to add. Our system decides on a dollar value that a defendant must pay if they fail to appear – reasoning that this financial risk will ensure their appearance. Then, instead of having the defendant actually take on that financial risk, we have them pay a nonrefundable fee to a commercial bail agent. The defendant is now out usually 10% of their bail amount, and now their risk is to the bail agent, usually in the form of collateral for the full 100%. Keep in mind that the 10% is just the bail agent’s fee, in the event of a failure to appear the bail agent can collect the full 100% from the defendant either alone or in combination with any co-signors. At the same time, the bail agent has assumed the financial risk due to the court, but is both covered by the defendant (and co-signors, as mentioned) and also by their surety provider (an insurance company that, usually in exchange for a percentage of the bail agent’s fee, indemnifies the bond). It is worth noting that a bail agent is usually licensed and defined by law as an agent for a surety provider.

In short, it appears that not only do commercial bail agents fail to provide the safety that their industry claims, but by absorbing the financial risk of the released defendant it is plausible that an agent might actually negatively effect the behavior of a released defendant. In subsequent posts I will address commonly cited privatization benefits, and analyze whether these are true for commercial bail bonds. These reasons include, among others, saving taxpayers’ money, increasing flexibility of service, improving quality of service, increasing efficiency and innovation, allowing policymakers to focus on policy instead of procedure, streamlining and downsizing government, and, of course, the appearance rate of money bail defendants in court.

America: The Land of The Free or The Land of Buying Your Freedom?

The criminal justice system in America is broken and has become a vehicle for collecting money from its passengers. Imagine getting arrested and brought into your local jail. What is the first thing that comes to your mind? Mine would be “what do I have to do to get out of here?” Well, the answer to that question is simpler than you probably would have imagined: money.

Most people only associate money bail with the adverse effects that wealth can play when determining whether someone has the ability to stay out of custody. Money bail is only part of the issue, however. Wealth is a catalyst for many injustices across the nation including the criminal justice system. Impoverished criminal defendants are not afforded the same opportunities as their wealthy counterparts merely because they do not have the monetary means. A poor criminal defendant will face many disadvantages throughout the criminal justice system for the sole reason of being poor. Over the next few posts I will discuss some of these disadvantages.

There are a few different ways to be released from custody, depending on what stage of the criminal process you are in: pre-trial, post-conviction, and post-sentence.

In the pre-trial stage, which extends from the moment you have been cited or arrested and booked, through bail hearings and arraignments, to the moment a criminal trial has begun, you are eligible to be released in three ways. The first and most well-known is money bail, the process where you pay a fee in order to be released. The second is release on your own recognizance, without supervision (O.R.) which involves a promise to come back to court and agreement to other various conditions (this includes cite and release). The third is release on your own recognizance with supervision (S.O.R.), where you agree to those same conditions (and more likely others) but the main difference is that those who are released on S.O.R. must check in with pretrial services for drug tests, alcohol tests, and the like.

In the post-trial or post-conviction stage of the criminal process, you may have the opportunity to be released from custody or avoid it all together. This takes form in some of the following ways: you can be put on court probation, which is similar to O.R. in that you agree to abide to terms and conditions, but you do so for a set amount of time; you can also be put on supervised court probation, which is essentially probation with the caveat of reporting to a probation officer every so often (think S.O.R. at a different stage of the process); you can be eligible for various alternative sentencing programs which include drug and alcohol treatment facilities, halfway houses, and city or county work programs where you work off your sentence; or you can pay a fine and be released. Should you be ineligible for any and all of these alternatives, you’ll be looking at life from a new perspective: behind bars.

If you do end up in custody, upon your release you may have to serve time on PRCS, which is similar to S.O.R. and supervised probation, but given a different name because of the point in the process in which it occurs.

So what do all of these things have in common? Money. Aside from the obvious ‘money bail’, each of these avenues in the criminal justice system costs money. For example, pre-sentence reports cost money: without them, you can’t get probation. Drug tests cost money: without them, you can’t get alternative sentencing. Classes cost money: without them, you might be unable to fulfill your terms of release. That doesn’t even mention the costs of renting electronic bracelets for home detention. These various costs all fall under the term “Legal Financial Obligations” or LFOs, a term coined by Wayne A. Logan and Ronald F. Wright in their article Mercenary Criminal Justice. If you consider all the different ways a criminal defendant can be charged monetarily, it’s difficult not to wonder about the disparate impact these LFOs have on impoverished and indigent defendants.

Well, so what, right? You do the crime, you do the time, or in this case, you do the crime, you pay the fine. The problem is that this system of ‘justice’ has created a means of punishing the poor much more harshly than the middle and upper classes.

Over the next few posts, I will be discussing specifically the different fines and fees that are imposed on defendants at different stages of the criminal justice process in California and what some of the implications are from those fines and fees. I will begin by discussing the pre-trial stage and how money is the primary proxy for being released from custody. Money bail is only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to wealth being a factor for who stays in and who gets out. If we are to really look at the ways in which poor people are affected, we must extend our investigation to LFOs.

Debtors’s Prison: How Fines and Fees are keeping the Poor Locked Up

Our nation’s citizens are plagued with a persistent wealth inequality from coast to coast that has infiltrated the entire nation, including within the criminal justice system. I will be writing about the various fines and fees that the criminal justice system imposes on criminal defendants that perpetuates the wealth gap both pre and post-trial. Money is a key factor to answering whether someone spends a night or year in jail or is free to go home; whether someone has the opportunity to participate in a diversion program and potentially get the help they need; and whether one mistake can cause an individual endless and insurmountable debt. I intend to shine light on the way that the criminal justice system has utilized money, or lack thereof, as a proxy for punishment across California. I will also be discussing various fines, fees, and bail systems throughout the nation, juxtaposing them with California’s current procedures.

I’m Vicky Perry, a second year student at Santa Clara Law. I previously studied justice studies and human rights at San Jose State and am furthering my studies in criminal justice at Santa Clara by working towards obtaining a Public Interest and Social Justice Law Certificate. I intend to use my B.S. and anticipated J.D. to practice criminal law, focusing on alleviating the inequalities that the current justice system perpetuates.